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      Лунин Лев. ГУЛаг Палестины -
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UMENT 1 FROM DOCUMENTS Four Mrs. Louis-Phillippe SIMARD, Manager, Post Determination Review FROM Lev GUNIN (FILE Number 2948-6524/ 95/76/23/18 ID: 3082-7125/7174/7220/7231/7317/ ) DOCUMENT NUMBER 2 2.1. I was in grade 9, when voluntarism and vulnerability of my class teacher, PERFILOVA Maria Michajlovna, converted me from a good school pupil and a promising young musician into a person without future, persecuted by KGB. She was a communist party member and an outraged careerist. She took one of my school essays - and took it to KGB. She also made an open public court over me at the school, not waiting for KGB command. Officially KGB rejected her accusations. They found nothing, which could be considered as anti-Sovetism, in my composition. But in ex-USSR an obstruction, which Perfilova made me at school, and the very fact that she was in KGB building to report on me was enough to devastate my whole life and to cause what it caused. It is also possible that rejecting Perfilova (what made her insane) they secretly put my name on their black list already by then. 2.2. I was prevented from becoming a student of a Music College or university, and later, when I entered music studies by a miracle and graduated, I was prevented from a good musical carrier. In 1979 I was brutally beaten because of an order from KGB. During many years my social and professional status, my health, my privacy, my security, even my freedom and my life were every minute under a threat. Nobody knows what I came through -, and did not become an alcoholic, or sadist, and never violated any criminal rule. 2.3. Because I felt more secure among other persecuted people, I started to cooperate with a number of human rights groups and movements and with some other groups and organizations. Most of them were non-conformist art and poetry \ prose groups. I formed my own poetry circle where I was a leader. I also organized a movement in opposition to ideologically motivated demolition or levelation of Bobruysk's 18-19 century architecture, mostly Jewish. I organized mass photographing of the center of Bobruysk. The local authorities have unofficially forbidden that. "Militia" several times arrested my supporters, and me, our photo films were confiscated. Only in the end of 1980-s I contacted Mr. V. Senderov, Mr. V. Batcshev, Mrs. Elena Bonner and other world-famous dissidents and human rights activists, and also correspondents of the west media in Moscow. Only by then I already had permanent contacts with some representatives of foreign parliaments and embassies, but never with any intelligence. I also maintained close cooperation with two different forces: Frankfurt-based NTS and National Front of Belarus. 2.4. As a person who was deeply involved in the cultural self-determination process of the Soviet Jews I also was the first activist in Belarus, who combined several goals together. They were: studies of Yiddish and Hebrew languages and the Jewish history, revitalization of Bobruysk's Jewish cultural and historical heritage, restoration of Jewish religious community, foundation of a Jewish club, newspaper, theatre, and schools. Nobody - except me - believed by then that it might be possible. My poetry in Yiddish was published in "Sovetisch Hiemland" (Moscow) and "Der Arbeiter Stimme" (Warsaw). I also became a co-editor of one underground Jewish magazine, based in Minsk. I also became known in cultural circles in Moscow and Leningrad (St.-Petersburg). I maintained contacts with the most famous personalities like composer D. Shostakovich, poet A. Voznesensky, singers like V. Tolkunova, or L. Leshchenko, and others. In Minsk (where I studied and worked 2 times a week) I maintained almost close relationship with the whole cultural elite: composers (D.Smolski, L. Obeliovich, G. Vagner, U. Semeniako, and others), historians (Tarasov, Zenon Pozdniak (later leader of the National Front), V. Posse, my relative, A. Gritzkievich, O. Dadiomova), pop-rock musicians, and so on. 2.5. During short periods of time (in 1986-87) it looked like persecutions against me were suspended or lightened. But in the same period of time I started to be persecuted by another political force - by Israeli missionary stuff in Minsk and Bobruysk. By that time my brother Vitaly - a talented painter and brilliant businessman - organized one of the first free ("capitalist") enterprises in Belarus. I was an administrator of one of its section, which arranged invitation of famous artists for tours in Minsk and Bobruysk. So, my brother, Mr. Pinchas Plotkin, an Yiddish poet, I, Mr. Marat Kurtzer, and Igor Gorelik - we formed a first circle, which achieved good results in restoring Jewish life in Bobruysk. A course of Yiddish, a library, a club, and other activities became a reality and refreshed the local Jewish life. This was what Israelis did not want to allow. They wanted to eliminate the whole Jewish social and cultural life in ex-USSR. They suggested that if life in USSR would become non-attractive for the Jews, they could more easily leave for Israel. They also did everything to terrify Jewish population by rumors about pogroms, and by other exaggerations. Missioners like J. EDEL, Arie ROTENBERG, or Dorit HE came to USSR to arrange total control over the local Jewish life and to put down any competitive power. I new dozens of other missioners who came to Minsk and Bobruysk to devastate local Jewish life and to jeopardize mass migration to Israel. They often expressed their hatred towards Soviet Jews. 2.6. Israelis started to build their own activist infrastructure, alternative to ours. They attracted young aggressive careerists, convincing them that they are totally protected, could commit any crimes - and go unpunished. Those boys and girls in their 20-s like Boris Kagan, Dmitry Levin, Vova Kazinetz, Z. Fridburg and others were nothing without Israeli leadership. Their local leader became Ilia Rodov, my brother's school colleague. Rodov became a known local figure only because my brother's, and my help. My brother Vitaly helped him in everything during their studies at the Art College, he presented Rodov to prominent and influential people, and even helped him by giving him money or work at his enterprise. Rodov was a well-known collaborationist: he cooperated with the communist authorities. He also was considered in intellectual circles as KGB informer and "comsomol" activist. He often accused and "denounced" Jewish "nationalists." But very soon he rapidly changed his views, expressing interest to Yiddish culture (when the group of Yiddishists was the most powerful in Bobruysk). When the influence of Israelis increased, he rapidly changed his opinion again "denouncing" Yiddish and calling to "forget Yiddish and study Hebrew." He was supported not only by Israelis, but by the local communist authorities as well. 2.7. Even by then I already suspected close cooperation between Israelis -and local communist authorities. When Bobruysk was a military zone, and a special authorization was needed for foreigners to visit that city, Israelis went to Bobruysk easily. They also had free meetings with people, which was impossible for any other foreigners, for example, for Finish Baptist missioners. They openly called people to emigrate to Israel using lie, deception, threats and profanation. They did everything to discredit my group, and me. Rodov's group has the full freedom to operate and to work with people. We were stopped by the authorities, disrupted and persecuted. Supported by the communists Rodov announced himself as a chairman, avoiding open and free elections and his followers formed local "Jewish council." People - like me - who restored the Jewish life and created the Jewish club, were expelled from that life and from that club. 2.8. As soon as they seized the power, "Rodovers" started to suppress all activities and cultural events in the Jewish society. They ruined everything that we created: very soon, including Yiddish course and all other courses and activities. They concentrated only on pro-Israeli propaganda and propaganda of immigration to Israel, Hebrew course and religious propaganda. When religious in Israel became the most influential force in institutions, which maintained work among potential immigrants in USSR, Rodov supporters converted themselves into ultra-orthodox. (Before that they were fighting atheists). They also used to confiscate the huge wave of help, gifts, money, which was streaming from the west Jewish communities to Soviet Jews. They have stolen about one thousand valuable gift sets from Baptist community of Finland to the local Jewish community. That gift was handed over through Iakov Gutman, an independent from Israelis leader of Minsk's Jews, to me. The sets were given for free delivery. I wanted to deliver them directly from my home to the people in exchange of their signatures in confirmation that they got them free. But Rodov's group forced me (and Iakov Gutman) to hand them over to the club, using dirty manipulations. Rodov and his group sold the sets as their private property. They openly violated the criminal code not only by then. They also robbed our Jewish library 2 times, they threaten people by death, they corrupted local officials, and they demanded money from people for information about Israel and for Israeli visas. They also demanded money for the "club needs", threatening people that - if they would refuse, they would be punished in Israel. Israelis also paid them for their services. In ex-USSR, where an imported TV with video could be almost as valuable as an apartment, they got expensive valuable things from Israelis as gifts. I suspect that they were paid by money, too. A special telephone number was given to Rodov, which enabled him to call Israeli embassy in Moscow and to Israel for free (according to his own words, and I believe that it was true). 2.9. Rodov and co "punished" me in different ways. They spread discreditible rumors against me, they posed intrigues against me at my work, they threaten me, they did so, that I was not invited any more to play in restaurants, on wedding parties, in dancing clubs, and so on, they tried to confront my wife with me. I am absolutely sure that Rodov's actions against me were correlated with the persecutions, which I faced from the local authorities. In Minsk I used to visit Mr. Garik Chajtovich, - my friend and a kind person. He was a Jewish activist and Hebrew teacher. Practically all the Israeli missioners have visited him. I met few high-ranked Israeli representatives through Garik or in his place several times and spoke to them. I tried to convince them that they should stop supporting odious persons like Rodov and to stop suppressing the development of Jewish cultural life in USSR. They usually answered that their priority is to convince people to leave for Israel, and they do not care about anything else. But one time I got an unusual answer. The man who gave it to me was a very important person. I could admit how Garik respect and treat him. Even Israelis who were with this man obeyed him. He told me that I have to stop talking about such things. He also told me that he has a pity to me because, according to him, I would pay a high price for my "nihilism" and freethinking, my family, my relatives would suffer, and my life will become miserable... 2.10. Because with time people were convinced that Rodov is a crook, and were too angry on him, I, brothers Strupinsky, Marat Kurtzer and others took the power in our own hands, discharging Rodov and his company. Only then I understood very soon that the problem was not in Rodov. Without him Israelis have found other ways to achieve their goals. And very soon my position became as weak as before. Israelis also took revenge in Minsk, displacing Iakov Gutman, the main figure in opposition to their policy in Belarus. Now nothing might stop them from forcible (in the deeper sense) transportation of hundred of thousands Jews from Belarus to Israel. 2.11. From 1988 my brother's health became more and more bad. He has a blood cancer, but I was sure that his disease was caused because he was exposed to radiation. During many month doctors Kustanovich (she died recently in USA from cancer), Cherny and Petrusha did not report Vitaly's bad blood tests. They also accused him in simulating to "avoid military service" and threaten to kill him. Since he became sick I fought to get his true diagnose and to win an appropriate treatment for him. In the end of 1987 we understood that for saving my brother's life we have to move to one of the West countries. I tried to get an immigration visa to US, but America was "closed" very soon because of a treaty, which Israel demanded: about leaving the only one way for Soviet Jews - only to Israel. I also tried to get a visa in the German embassy, but it was too late. Then we had to request a visa only from Israel. We did all necessary steps to obtain it, but we did not get any visas. Hundreds of people whom I helped to get visas (I told them that I do not recommend them to go to Israel, but they kept asking me with passion, and I helped them) got them, but not my brother and me. Even Genady Shulman, one from the Rodov's group, who was kind to us and arranged visas for thousands of people, could not obtain visas for my brother, and me. I went to Moscow, to Israeli embassy, where they knew me very good as one of the activists and where I always had an access to, and spoke to Ambassador Mr. Levin, but without any result. In 1988 Israel have submitted special visas-invitations for Jewish activists for a free trip to Israel. In spite of my detestation of Rodov I phoned him in an attempt to save my brother's life (because he composed a list of names for these invitations). "What did your brother did for the Jewish movement, for Zionism? - he asked. Avoiding tensions I did not tell him that my brother did for Rodov more then he deserved and that my brother put his business under a risk organizing Jewish events when the local authorities did not approve them. I only asked him about compassion. "There are more valuable things then human life, - he responded. Later I had a chance to see what these things are. Nobody from Rodov's group went to Israel with that free invitation, only Rodov's father went to Israel because he did small speculation trade under the table, and used that occasion as a shield... In August, 1989 my brother, and me, we went to Poland, where a blood test, which was made to him, had shown strange processes in his organism. In September I started a new Jewish magazine "Vos Herzach?" and participated in a current issue of "CONTACT." My brother Vitaly gave his cafй (he was the owner) again for the Jewish club meeting. In September also came a telephone threat that my brother Vitaly would die. In January 1990 another person called and told the same. 2.12. When in 1989 first letters began to arrive from those who already settled in Israel, their relatives discovered that Russian speaking people are persecuted in Israel, that Israelis hate us and treat us as second-class people, many of the Jews in Bobruysk cancelled their tickets and visas. It seemed to be a total disaster for Israeli plan to capture half a million or more Soviet Jews. But they have found a solution very soon. Somebody began to spread rumors about possible pogroms. Every day brought a "reliable" information that Jews are in danger. Jewish cemeteries were vandalized everywhere. By that time I was a member of a group that investigated this wave of vandalism. Most active members in that group were Baltic Jews. A small Baptist team and NTS representatives also participated. We discovered that vandalism started in west regions of USSR and moved chronologically from the Northwest to Southeast. Pogroms in Muslim region were not known. It was absolutely clear that a team of "vandals" traveled by train from town to town, from city to city, starting from Riga. They had a steady pace, so, Soviet authorities (if they would want to stop hooligans) could figure out very easy where should be their next stop and next pogrom - and catch them. But the authorities did not want to stop them. Israelis also used different methods to calm down information about vandalism. I personally (as well as others) took the description of our conclusions about vandalism to Israeli embassy, but they became furious and refused to send this information to Israeli press. I have submitted the description about vandalism against Jewish cemeteries (without our conclusion) to Washington Post and Chicago Tribune correspondents in Moscow, as well as to Israeli newspapers (enclosing photos of vandalized graves), but no newspaper outside USSR published this information. I was sure that Israelis used their influence to prevent newspapers from that publication. I was even more convinced about Israeli involvement when such a pogrom happened in my native town. Graves that related to non pro-Israeli activists' were mainly targeted, when pro-Israeli families' graves were not touched. My father's grave was vandalized, the monument was broken. 2.13. I informed US president's special representative, Mr. Nikolai Petro, that Israelis are using illegal methods to force people to leave USSR for Israel. I also contacted several US diplomats including Mrs. Daria Arturovna Fein. I met Daria Arturovna at hotel "Ukraine" in Moscow. She took a look at the photos and asked if they are not a fake. I told her that I could give her an original film from which the photos were made. And I gave the film to her. She held the film several minutes in her hands. I saw that she is trembling. After some hesitation she gave the film and the photos back to me, refusing to admit them and giving no explanations. I told to prominent personalities in Frankfurt, in Warsaw and in Paris about these acts of vandalism, but they could not organize even a single publication. 2.14. In January-February 1990 I came to Paris hoping to obtain a visa for my brother. I was warmly welcomed by all Jewish organizations in Paris and Lion, which I visited, and also by Russian immigrants' organizations, including NTS. They gave me money, shelters, they bought

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